OSG Press Release No. 39
July 2003

 

The Oromia Support Group is a non-political organisation which attempts to raise awareness of human rights abuses in Ethiopia. OSG lobbies governments to withdraw support from the Ethiopian government until it abides by its constitution which guarantees human rights and self-determination for all peoples of Ethiopia.

OSG has now reported 3,097 extra-judicial killings and 886 disappearances of civilians suspected of supporting groups opposing the government. Most of these have been Oromo people. Scores of thousands of civilians have been imprisoned. Torture and rape of prisoners is commonplace, especially in secret detention centres, whose existence is denied by the government.

 

Human Right Abuses in Ethiopia

Contents:
 
Abbreviations

 

 

Addis Ababa and Central Oromia Region

Killings

 

Informants in Addis Ababa reported on 2 March that 11 Kereyu Oromo were killed by government forces in a ‘cold blooded massacre’ at Fentale, E. Showa, for allegedly supporting the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Those killed were:

Aliyi Said

Mohammed Hussen

Hussen Boru

Sido Mulu

Mulu Waree

Usee Saidi

Ummani Saidi

Abdalla Muhammed

Boru Guracha

Gilo Mulu

Hussen Abdi

The report, which was covered on 4 March by Degim Wenchif newspaper, stated that people in the locality were already dying from starvation.

 

Disappearances

 

Mosissa Assefa Dosho, a teacher at Adama (Nazaret) college, was abducted by government forces in December 2002 and subsequently disappeared, according to two separate reports received by OSG, from Ethiopia and from contacts in Norway. He headed the OLF office in Jarte Jardaga, Horo Guduru, E. Wallega, when the OLF were part of the transitional government from 1991 to 1992. He then taught at Gida secondary school until 1994 and Shambu secondary school until 1998, when he began teaching at Adama Technical College. He was detained from July to October 1995, from February to April 2001 and from May to July 2002 (see Press Release 38, p. 4).
 

Junde Tune, father of two and a teacher at Adama Technical College, was also reported by contacts in Norway in March to have disappeared since being detained in September 2002.

 

In March, a report was received from Addis Ababa that seven detainees had been taken from Karchale central prison one week previously and had since disappeared. They were named:
 

Daniel Dheressa

Alemayehu Ittafa

Chala Barki

Negussie Tadessa

Midhagsa . . .

Bushura . . .

Bayana Hussen

 

The Berlin-based Ethiopian Political Prisoners Committee, as reported by Mebrek in Addis Ababa (5 June), complained that the following disappearances from detention had not been published:

 

Tsegaye Gebre-Medhin

Belete Amha

Aberash Berta

Lemma Hailu

Abebe Ainekulu

Mengistu Eshete

Sitotaw Hussein

Desalegne Amsalu

Hagos Bezabih

Tesfaye Kebede

Col. Kale Christos Abaya

Iyob Tekabe

Yishak Debretsion

Azanew Demile

Teklai Gebre-Selassie

Wondusirak Desta

Demissie Tesfaye

Hagos Atsbeha

The disappearance of Amanti Abdissa Jigi in 2000 was reported in Press Release 38. Students from the University of East Anglia, where Amanti had taken a master’s degree in 1997, have been campaigning on his behalf. According to informants in Addis Ababa reporting to OSG and to the Students Union, the 32 year-old aid worker was seen, handcuffed, being transported in the back of a truck out of Addis Ababa on 25 January. Political detainees were being taken from Addis at that time to avoid international attention to prison disturbances following the death of a detainee, during the conference of the newly formed African Union.

 

Efrem Kaba, was detained in Addis Ababa after visiting a friend of his in November 2000. His acquaintance and he had been detained for ten days in March 2000. According to his friend, now seeking asylum in England, his disappearance was reported on 17 November 2000 by Seife Nebelbal newspaper, and subsequent enquiries by family and by ICRC have failed to reveal his whereabouts, at least up to the date of his report in February 2003.

 

 

Detention, torture etc.

 

Scores of members of the congregation of Lideta church, Addis Ababa, were detained by Federal Special Police on 27 December 2002, according to Amnesty International. Scores of members of the Youth Sabbath Association of the church were ‘violently dispersed’ at a commemoration ceremony on 17 February and also detained. Although most were released shortly afterwards, unknown numbers remained in detention and those who were released reported being beaten and tortured. Church deacon Daniel Zerfu was reportedly beaten so severely that he needed treatment at the police hospital before being released (AFR 25/005/2003 21 February 2003 and AFR 25/002/2003 14 January 2003, London). The BBC reported that 98 detainees claimed to have been tortured. The Federal Police Commissioner admitted to forcefully breaking into the church, but not to torturing the detainees (Seife Nebelbal newspaper, 7 March 2003).

 

M.D., a 31 year-old graduate and government employee, reported the following from exile in February 2003. He had joined the OLF while a student in 1991 and when electioneering on their behalf in early 1992 he had received ‘telephone threats, direct personal intimidation and warning through friends’ to stop.

Shortly after the June election, he was detained at Bilate military camp for seven weeks, where he was subject to beatings, ‘burning with boiled oil’ and laceration with sharp objects. As usual, he was denied medical treatment. He had to clean his wounds with his own urine. Malaria and jaundice were common at Bilate, he reported. He was released on the usual conditions of acknowledging his life was forfeit if he continued supporting the OLF and promising to appear whenever he was summoned by security officials.

 

For almost one year after his release in August 1992, he was barred from government employment, because he refused to join the OPDO government Oromo party. He was eventually forced to do so but was repeatedly questioned and warned about supporting the OLF when he was engaged in a church-run self-help group in the Gulale community in Addis.

 

He was among the many former OLF suspects who were rounded up at the beginning of hostilities with Eritrea. On 30 May 1998 he was arrested and his house was searched. He was taken to Woreda 10 police station and held for 35 days, accused of being an ‘Oromo narrow nationalist’. He was kicked, beaten with rifle butts and ‘spat on disdainfully’ before release on the usual conditions.

 

On 15 March 2000, he was again detained for ten days. His wife was also interrogated and forced to leave her job with an independent Addis newspaper.

Three days after the bombing of the Tigray hotel, on 14 September 2002, at 10.45 pm, his house was surrounded by many ‘EPRDF armed forces’. He wrote ‘I opened the door and went out with my hands up. I was beaten hardly on my left side of my back and put down with other kicks . . . My wife, who could not tolerate to see the continuous beatings on me, was shouting for help and tried to hold me. It was then that she was detached from our crying baby and me and thrown on to the ground and inhumanly beaten on the face with a military shoe. Her face was full of blood and she was shouting for help while they forced me to get into their car. . . . It was on the same day that my 68 year-old father, an old supporter of the OLF, was detained and is still in prison. He is now seriously sick due to ill-treatment in the detention centre. . . .

In detention I was kept in a room where both of my hands and feet were tied’.

He reported being repeatedly beaten and kicked and ‘I have also personally witnessed the killing of a prisoner who was being beaten like me in the same night’. He was released on standard conditions on 21 September.

He was abroad when he received information from his cousin that security forces came to his house on 27 November 2002. His elder brother, who was looking after the property, was detained and subsequently disappeared. A friend, with whom he worked, was detained. His home, business, two cars and other valuables were confiscated.

 

Moti N., originally from Dembi Dollo, Wallega, wrote from exile in Canada on 5 June 2003 of his decade of persecution in Ethiopia. When in Dembi Dollo, as soon as the OLF withdrew from the transitional government in June 1992, his parental home was searched without warrant twice by TPLF soldiers. He writes:

‘On July 15, 1992, two Tigrean soldiers caught me from my residence . . . I was beaten cruelly on my back, slapped on my face after taken to nearest military camp in 03 Administration [kebele]. I suffered in the dark room and released on the third day promising not to reveal it to any media source. Neither my friends nor my parents were allowed to see me. There were another 15-20 young Oromos who were imprisoned with me at O3 Administration in Dembi Dollo. Most of them are now leading a very hard exile life in Nairobi, Kenya.

 

I was admitted to Addis Ababa University in September 1992 and was called in the same month by the government security agent called Yared in Addis Ababa University Social Science Campus. He forced me to sign a document to make me responsible for any demonstration or uprising that might be organised by Oromo students in the university. I attended my education under intimidation, warnings and terrorization from government security agents in the university as well as security agents among students. The government security agents were mainly from Tigray region who were working very closely with TPLF security force in the campus.

 

I was arrested at the Supreme Court in Lideta, Addis Ababa, on 31 December 1993 . . . [when demonstrating about the detention of OLF officials Leenco Lata and Ibsa Gutama] . . . I was arrested with 70-80 other Oromos and taken to Sandafa Police College for detention. I was in prison for over two weeks. The kind of punishment was very severe, inhuman, many prisoners and myself were forced to get up early in the morning at about 4:00 am and ordered to run on gravel road in a very cold morning. . . . I was beaten every time I was tired and fell down from the punishment. . . . After my release, I tried to concentrate on my studies despite the continued intimidation by government security agents.

 

In November 1994, I was arrested by TPLF security agents and taken to Sandafa Police College in the outskirts of Addis Ababa. I suffered, brutally beaten and tortured, forced to run barefoot on gravel road and shaved dry with broken bottles. . .

 

[In 1997 he was involved in the preparation of the Oromo Graduates Bulletin. This activity and his thesis on the challenges for Oromia Region caused Tigrean students and security agents to prevent his employment in government posts. He began work with a church NGO, concerned with human rights.] . . .

 

The follow up on me by government security agents continued when they started to harass and terrorize me over the phone and discourage me from my work. In September 2000, I received calls at my office that speaking about human rights particularly on the issues of Oromo people are dangerous to my life. . . .

 

On 23 February 2001, two Tigrean security men stopped me at gun point while I was going out of the office at about 7:00 pm. I was taken to Maikelawi, a place where many Oromos are tortured and lost their life . . . I was detained for 3 days in the dark basement room.

 

During the first day they interrogated me and slapped me in the face. On the next day, I was taken to small office and a security agent interrogated me on human rights related activities and my connection to OLF. Every educated Oromo is always suspected to be OLF supporter. Moreover, they use the pretext of connecting one to OLF whenever the government wants to kill or torture somebody. That same night, they took me in Police Land Cruiser to my residence . . . they searched my room for two hours. They confiscated some books like Oromia, by Geda Melba, Oromiyan Be Fereka by Moti Biyya and Yetedebekew ye Oromiya ye Gif Tarik, by Gemechu Melka and Woldeyonnes Workineh and other local newspapers.

 

I was taken back to Maikelawi, tortured, my legs were tied with two wooden [sticks], used electric wire and beaten on my legs, back, head and shoulders. I was released on the third day with the warning of not disclosing what happened and not to speak or teach on human rights issues any more. I had to stay in bed for one week.

 

Solomon K., an AAPO member since 1992 and a government-employed electronics technician, wrote from exile in England in December 2002:

‘My first day of serious persecution began in 1995 when I turned down the request to become a member of the EPRDF [government umbrella party]. I had suffered verbal harassment and maltreatment in the working area . . .

In May 1995, when a repaired amplifier system failed to function in the EPRDF’s annual meeting . . . I was immediately taken to detention, tortured brutally and mistreated inhumanly until I lost consciousness. They wanted me to confess that I deliberately made the system not to operate . . . to sabotage the meeting . . .’

He was held for six months and repeatedly tortured, receiving injuries to his back which made standing, sitting and sleeping painful. He was sacked and on release started a small copying business with his brother. He also raised funds for political prisoners, dismissed teachers and their families. He wrote:

 

‘On 10 April 1997, while I was serving customers, persons whom I thought came for photocopying told me that they were policemen, dragged me out to a parked Landrover and took the photocopying machine together with me.

I was held in Maikelawi detention centre. I was repeatedly beaten until I wanted to tell them everything . . . accused of collaborating with the armed Ethiopian Patriotic Front . . . duplicating and distributing illegal pamphlets. In the cell, I met some of my friends who were working with me in the fund raising activity.’

He was released in June on usual conditions and ordered to report to the kebele office twice weekly.

‘I started to live cautiously and under terrible fear. On 12 July 1997, when I went to see a friend in Debre Zeit . . . they went to my home and dragged out my brother, beating him to tell them where I was. . . . they were vowing to my brother that they will kill him unless I hand over myself. I wanted to go and hand over myself to release my brother until I came to know what happened to my friends who were imprisoned with me. One was shot dead when trying to escape and others were taken to an unknown place . . .

I immediately went into hiding . . . The security forces went to my parents’ house and intimidated my family. They even beat up some of my family members.’

 

Ambo Roba Elemo wrote from exile in Kenya on 23 June. While he was a teacher at Shashemane secondary school for seven years, he was detained twice. From October 1995 to January 1996, he was held in Malka Wakana (from where former detainees report being tortured at the hydro-electric power station) and from January to August 1997 he was held at Shashemane military camp. He wrote of being tortured during both episodes of detention. He was again arrested during student demonstrations against government involvement in the widespread fires of early 2000. He wrote that three students were killed during demonstrations. He fled to Addis Ababa, but was detained there, at the 5th Police Station, from where he managed to escape.

 

On 27 February, Jafar Suleyman Fayissa wrote from Kenya. He was born in Begi, Wallega in 1975. In 1987, because of fighting between OLF forces and the Derg, he was moved to Sudan, where he was cared for by the Oromo Relief Association (ORA). In January 1991 he went to Khartoum to take a computer course. When the Derg were toppled, he worked at the ORA office which was established in Addis Ababa. At 17 years of age, within two weeks of the OLF leaving the transitional government, on 5 July 1992, he was detained and taken to Didessa military camp, where he was held until March 1993. He returned to work for ORA and was sponsored by them to attend school in Wallega. However, because of suspected ties between ORA and the OLF, he was detained for 10 days in February 1994. ORA moved him to an Adventist college in Kuyera in September 1995, but harassment continued. In January 1996, he was involved in conflict with Tigrean students and again detained for 15 days. When ORA was closed down by the government in 1996, he was forced to quit education. He was again detained in June 1996 and held at Tigana ‘maintenance’ camp, near Menelik Hospital in Addis Ababa until February 1997, when he was released ‘with very strong warning’. In 1998, he spent 5 days at Maikelawi Special Investigation Centre in the capital and ordered to report twice weekly to the police.

 

On 24 November 2000, he visited a relative who had travelled from the countryside to Merkato in Addis Ababa. On his way home from there on 27 November, he was abducted by two security men and detained at Shogale military camp. There, he described suffering from ‘extreme torture, interrogation and intimidation’ forcing him to ‘confess what I have never done or seen’. Weak with torture, he was shot in the left leg while attempting to escape. He remained without treatment for five days before being taken to ‘police hospital’, from were he escaped on 21 December 2000.

 

Ambo unrest

 

According to the private weekly, Tomar, 4 March, 200 suspected supporters of the OLF and Oromo National Congress (ONC) were arrested in Ambo, W. Showa, one week previously. Youths had been distributing leaflets protesting about killings by government forces.  An ONC rally on 2 March was cancelled and EU embassy representatives went to investigate, according to Seife Nebelbal  newspaper on 7 March.

More disturbances followed the killing of a Tigrean student at Ambo Agricultural College and the wounding of two others on 24 April. All secondary schools were closed, as well as the college, for at least a week. Degim Wenchif reported (6 May) that police commandos were in control of the town and at least five arrests were reported by the Reporter (5 May).

 

Dismissal of health workers

 

The Addis Ababa Provisional Administration (operating since the Prime Minister dissolved the city council last year) has expelled over 40 medical workers including medical and surgical doctors and specialists, according to the private weekly Tobia (29 May).  They were dismissed from Menelik II, Zewditu and Yekatit 12 Hospitals. Health officers, junior and senior nurses and medical assistants were also sacked. All received letters of dismissal on 23 May. Among those dismissed from Yekatit 12 Hospital is Dr. Zenebe Gedle, a nerve specialist. It was stated in the letters of dismissal that some of them are banned from being employed in any government institution during the provisional period of the Addis Ababa Administration while some will not be able to be employed at private medical institutions.

 

Oromo language and anthem to be denied at schools

According to sources within Addis Ababa, reported by the OLF on 7 March, the central government plans to cease the use of the Oromo language as a medium of instruction in Oromia Region schools. At a meeting in Addis Ababa, despite protests from Oromo teachers, it was proposed that Amharic was re-imposed as an alien medium of instruction, as it used to be prior to 1991. The Oromo language, understood by the children, will be downgraded to a language subject. Most of the children in Oromia Region schools do not understand Amharic.

The Oromo national anthem, which has been sung in schools for the last 12 years, is also to be replaced by the Ethiopian anthem, again in Amharic. Oromo representatives at the meeting pointed out that the medium of instruction in Tigray Region was to remain Tigrinya. They were criticised for such ‘rebellious’ questioning.

Within a few days, at an emergency meeting of Oromia Region representatives at Adama, the regional president, Juneidin Sado, tendered his resignation. Informants claim that the resignation was accepted by Prime Minister Zenawi, but Sado was ordered to remain in post until further notice. He has become unpopular with other regional representatives because of issues such as the educational language policy. His deputy, Muhammed Aliyi, was dismissed from his post and from OPDO party membership for rebelling against the policy, but has also been told to stay in post for the time being, according to sources close to the office.

 

EASTERN OROMIA REGION

Killing and detention

 

According to first degree relatives, contacted by OSG in the USA on 25 July, Ayub Abdella, a former Ethiopian national team soccer player died as a result of torture injuries on 1 July after being transferred to an Addis Ababa hospital from Karchale prison the same day. Authorities refused the family permission to see or take his body until intervention by ICRC.

Ayub was detained over one year ago following the bombing of Dire Dawa railway depot. Others who were detained at the same time remain in Karchale central prison in Addis Ababa. They include:

 

Ayub Ahmed, Director of the Ethiopia-Dibouti railway

Foud Ahmed, a garage worker in Dire Dawa

Ziyad Sheikh Hussein, train driver and trainer of the Ethiopia soccer team

Dirre Usman,

Bakri Usman,

Usman Said and

Abdurahman Ali, all garage workers in Dire Dawa

 

 

Bombing in Bale

 

According to local sources reporting to Radio Free Oromia (4 July), government airplanes have been bombing the area of Hallo Mora in Bale zone, E. Oromia Region. Informants claim that innocent civilians have suffered heavy casualties and there has been extensive destruction of property and livestock.

 

Detention and torture

 

Abass Abagaro Woyeso, a 30 year-old from Lole, Arsi province, wrote to OSG from exile in Kenya. He began supporting the OLF when it legally represented Oromo interests in the transitional government from 1991 to 1992. He was abducted from a store in Ginnir, Bale, by government soldiers on 13 December 1999 and taken to Ginnir military camp in his own Isuzu vehicle, which was then confiscated. His friend, Hassan Nassir, was abducted in a military Landrover at the same time. Abass had been delivering medical supplies to OLF fighters.

He was beaten, whipped, threatened with shooting and immersed in cold water. In October 2000, he was taken to the bush with three other prisoners. The three were killed in front of him and he was asked to choose between co-operating with the interrogation or suffering a similar fate. He writes that he was forced to drink the blood and eat flesh of the victims. He was transferred to Maikelawi Special Investigation Centre in Addis Ababa on 29 April 2001. He describes being tortured with electric wire tied tightly for long periods about his arms and legs, behind his body. Coca-Cola bottles were forced into his anus. He was not allowed visits by family or ICRC and did not appear in court. In December 2001, he was taken with a plain clothed security agent on a four-week assignment to places where he had collected supplies for the OLF. One night, the armed agent became drunk. Abass then escaped, after excusing himself to go to the toilet. He fled to Kenya four days later.

 

 

WESTERN OROMIA REGION

Disappearances

 

Dugassa Namee Feyissa, disappeared on his way to visit friends in Finca’a on 23 December 2002, according to reports received from Ethiopia in June and July. A married man in his late twenties, and a graduate of Alemaya University of Agriculture in 2000, he had been detained several times in military camps in E. Wallega and in Harar, E. Hararge, during his student years, from 1995 onwards. He lived in Shambu, E. Wallega and was detained in March 2002, following student disturbances, according to an informant based in the UK (May 2003).

Detention and torture

B.T., from Horo Guduru, Wallega zone, wrote from exile in the USA in August 2002. He graduated from Alemaya University of Agriculture in 1989 and, after studying abroad and working in several places in Ethiopia, began teaching at Jimma College of Agriculture in 1992. He wrote:


‘Once the OLF left the transitional government, like many other Oromos I became the object of TPLF/OPDO’s harassment and torture. Several times, I have been sent to official and unofficial cells of TPLF in Jimma for speaking against the OPDOs, for supporting the OLF or for not attending meetings organised by OPDOs for days ranging from one night to five. I faced the most gruesome form of torture when they jailed me (with 16 other Oromo intellectuals in Jimma) for 37 days. While in prison I have been shackled, beaten and whipped. The prison compound  was internally maintained by Tigrean forces and the exterior gates are checked by ordinary police officers to disguise the public. I was labeled as the chief leader of a clandestine OLF unit operating under the name ‘Black Lion’, of course, with no evidences other than a fake list of names prepared by the Woyanes [TPLF]. The scar that the sharp ends of the shackles and the beatings left on my legs are still visible. After 37 days my release was negotiated by the then dean of the college of agriculture because I was teaching two courses to graduating students of the year. Upon my release, I was forced to sign a confession paper that states my support for OLF and its activities, its clandestine unit and my objection to the policies of OPDO. If found involved in these and related activities again, I was also told to face an ultimate death penalty.’

He fled the country when allowed to study in Austria and the USA. He heard from Ethiopia in March 2003 that his brother (G.T.) and cousin were detained in Addis Ababa.

 

SOMALI REGION

An emergency conference of the Somali State Council has lifted the immunity of three senior state officials alleged to have collaborated with terrorists and anti-peace elements, Radio Ethiopia (May 20) reported.  According to the speaker of the state council, Ali Mohamed Kunaye, ‘The officials have been using their positions to leak government secrets and classified information to terrorists, thereby hindering development activities in the state and disturbing peace’. Those whose immunity has been lifted were former member of the State Council and of the Somali People’s Democratic Party, Abdi Ismael Haji, the deputy chairman of Afder Zone, Mohammed Metan, and the chairman of the Fik Zone, Ahmed Yusuf Habene. Speaker Ali Mohamed Kunaye said the officials would soon be brought to justice.

TIGRAY REGION

The Berlin-based Ethiopian Political Prisoners Committee has called for the release of Girmai Moges Neway Mariam, former member of the TPLF, Tomar reported on 22 April. After the split among the ranks of TPLF members, Girmai had left the TPLF and went to Djibouti to live in exile. Although he was registered in Djibouti with UNHCR, he was arrested and brought back to Tigray. He is now reported to be in a prison in Axum serving a life sentence passed by the Supreme Court in Tigray Region.  His appeal has been rejected.

AMHARA REGION

Police have tortured peasants accusing them of being members of the All Ethiopia Unity Organisation (AEUO, formerly the AAPO). Nake Abebe, a resident of Didite kebele peasant association, Awabel woreda, said that the police arrested and tortured him by putting burning plastic material on his body, according to Addis Zena newspaper, 19 February.

SOUTHERN NATIONS, NATIONALITIES AND PEOPLES REGION

Detention

The Ethiopian Democratic Party (EDP) has protested against the arrest of five of its members by police in Alem Gena. Alem Gena police arrested five EDP members in connection with the death of one person. EDP said that the differences between EDP and OPDO had become worse since the conference in Alem Gena which took place in early January. EDP has requested that the five EDP members be released on bail unconditionally. (Ze-Press, 19 March 2003).

GGPDA complains of harassment

Matmino reported on 16 June that the Gamo Goffa People’s Democratic Alliance (GGPDA) had alleged that government officials and armed men have been harassing its members. In its appeal to the National Electoral Board (NEB), it said that after the party received wide support in the elections three years ago, government officials and armed men had illegally arrested and intimidated its members. The Council of Alternative Forces for Peace and Democracy in Ethiopia (CAFPDE) had been to the region to discuss the situation with members of the Alliance. Quoting its district office, CAFPDE disclosed the names of members of the organisation who had suffered the most harassment. CAFPDE claimed that the NEB had violated its agreement of non-interference and that as elections approach, its members had always been harassed and intimidated.
 

 

RESETTLEMENT

 

Large scale resettlement, ostensibly to reduce food-aid dependence, was practiced by the Derg communist military dictatorship in the mid-1980s. About 600,000 were forcibly relocated from the northern areas of Tigray and Wollo to areas in Oromia and Amhara Regions to the south and west. It was described as a relief operation by the Derg, but it was a continuation of Derg policy to use relocation as a counter-insurgency strategy. It was regarded by the OLF and other opposition groups as a means of disrupting their support base among rural populations, where settlers were employed on large, inefficient state farms. Resettlement killed a minimum of 50,000, probably many more, and forest clearance in resettled areas had a ‘disastrous’ environmental impact in the 1980s.

 

Resettlement is again taking place on a large scale. The government plans to relocate two million people in three years and 40,000 had already been moved by the end of May 2003 (IRIN 31 May – 6 June). IRIN, the UN news agency, reported in April that 15,000 were moved from Eastern Hararge to Bale and that the UN had expressed ‘unease’ about the transfer. The area to which they were transferred had not been prepared. There was no drinking water and they had to drink rain-water. There were no huts, houses, health centres, schools or even roads which were useable to take produce to market. Promised seeds were not present. Similar conditions existed in recipient areas of Tigray Region. Families who were moved to malaria-infested areas of Eastern Wallega were described as being worse off after the move. (IRIN 29 April and 6 May 2003.)

 

The resettlement in Bale was condemned by Medicins Sans Frontières for ‘inadequate planning and implementation’ and increasing health risks to settlers (IRIN 20 May 2003).

 

Pastoralists in Oromia Region and Ogaden, Somali Region, have complained that the land would not sustain settled farmers in addition to their animals. The UN Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia has again stressed that ‘colossal deforestation’ and widespread environmental damage follow resettlement and threaten the livelihoods of indigenous people (IRIN 31 January 2003).

 

 

PRESS

 

The Reporter (26 February) reported that the Addis Ababa City Administration Culture and Information Bureau had fined two journalists working for the newspaper it publishes, Addis Lissan, for reporting on 15 February that the bureau was changing to a mass media information agency. Desta Lorenzo, deputy editor-in-chief, and Wuletaw Baye, a reporter, were fined their ten-day salary.

 

According to the private weekly Asqual (25 February), police arrested Tadeos Tantu, known for his articles under the title ‘Wogid Yihuda’ - a column in Asqual.  He was released on bail later.

The Federal High Court on April 7 fined the editor-in-chief of Gomoraw, Melese Gesit, 11,000 Birr on charges of incitement to violence and libel in reports published by the paper in 1995, since when the paper had stopped printing (Ethiop 23 April).

 

Leul Seboka, editor-in-chief of Seife Nebelbal, was questioned by police in connection with a poem entitled ‘Oromia shall be liberated’ published in the paper on 31 January. According to Seife Nebelbal (7 March), Leul was later released from the Central Criminal Investigation Office on bail of 8,000 Birr.

 

According to the private weekly Ruh (23 May), Sinedu Abebe wrote an article which criticised the film ‘Kezkazaw Welafen’ which concerned HIV/AIDS and was premiered on 13 May. Her article in the Nation, 17 May, was followed by threatening phone calls. On 20 May, she asked for political asylum at the Netherlands embassy in Addis Ababa, but was handed over to police and detained at the district 24 police station.

 

Medina reported on 27 May that Sinedu had disappeared after being held in Maikelawi Special Investigation Centre for half a day.

 

According to VOA radio (23 May), the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) called on the Ethiopian government to release two detained journalists of the Ethiopian private press.  The editor of Ethiop newspaper, Melese Shine, was detained in March 2002 for ‘libel’ and the paper’s former editor, Tewodros Kassa was sentenced in May 2003 to two years in prison for ‘publishing a misleading article’.

 

Addis Zena (21 May) reported that the Third Criminal Bench of the Federal High Court had released Wossenseged Mersha, another editor of Ethiop, on bail of 2,000 Birr, after charging him with libel against Ambassador Habte Mariam Seyoum. The case was adjourned until March 7, 2004. 

 

Several members of state-owned media have gone into exile to Kenya, the United States, Canada and Sweden. According to Medina, 10 June, among the exiled journalists are Yemisrach Demissie, Hailu Tamrat, and Sisay Hash of Ethiopian Television.

 

The World Association of Newspapers released a report from Paris on 23 January in which the association together with the World Editors Forum warned Ethiopia that failure to consult the independent media when drafting the new press law could have a ‘serious, adverse’ impact on press freedom.

 

Ethiopia’s new draft press law breaches international standards on freedom of expression, according to ARTICLE 19, a leading media advocacy group (IRIN, 18 and 25 February). ARTICLE 19 said that the new law raised ‘key areas of concern in relation to freedom of expression’. In a 33-page report, it urged the Ethiopian government to abandon the draft law and amend the 1992 law instead to meet international guidelines. It added that the draft law could breach the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 19 of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, both of which have been adopted by Ethiopia. ‘The government should refrain from manifesting open hostility towards the private media and it should take positive measures to stop the arrest and other forms of harassment of journalists’ ARTICLE 19 reported. The new draft press law could come into force by the end of the year. Editors and publishers argue it will stifle the fledging private press, while the government says it is aimed at ensuring better standards and accuracy among journalists.

 

Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontières, according to Satenew, 24 February, named Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia and Issayas Afeworki of Eritrea among 23 African heads of state who were enemies of the press.

The East African Journalists Association, including members of the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists Association (EFJA) and International Federation of Journalists members, met from 19-21 February in Nairobi and released a statement in which they condemned ‘the routine and systematic destruction of the free press’ in Ethiopia and ‘the imprisonment of journalists because they had exercised their profession’ (Reporter, 26 February). According to IRIN, the EFJA said Ethiopian security forces had been intimidating the private press, detaining news vendors and confiscating their newspapers.

 

The Vienna-based International Press Institute (IPI) said that the new draft press law violates international press norms and poses a danger to freedom of the press. IPI reported that the Minister of Information had refused to discuss the draft press law with members of the diplomatic community in Addis Ababa and that the Ethiopian government had ignored international calls to revoke the new ‘anti-democratic’ law (Tobia, 27 February).

US based Freedom House stated on 1 May that the Ethiopian press is not free, Addis Admas reported on 3 May.

 

The Reporter (7 May) reported that the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) had expressed concern on the freedom of expression in Ethiopia.

 

The same paper reported on 9 June that the West Africa Media Foundation had called for fundamental changes in the new draft press law. In its letter to the Ethiopian government, the Foundation said the draft press law is contrary to the Ethiopian constitution and the international conventions the country has signed.

 

UK Ambassador H.E. Myles Wickstead told The Reporter (7 May) that Resolve Group, recruited by the Ministry of Capacity Building to provide legal advice on the drafting of the country’s Freedom of Information Act had also agreed to take up the work of drafting the new press law.

 

The Nation (7 June) reported that Bereket Simon, Minister of Information, had said that the new draft press law had not been sent to the House of Peoples’ Representatives for endorsement since the government wanted to present the draft press law and draft freedom of information act together.

 

 

DJIBOUTI

Refoulement and killing of refugee in Ethiopia

 

Refoulement of Oromo refugees from Djibouti is continuing and one victim of refoulement died from injuries sustained under beating and torture on 7 February, in Dire Dawa, E. Hararge.

Ali Ibrahim Yusuf (born 1970 in Habro, UNHCR No. 95/422) arrived in Djibouti in January 1995. He had been detained and tortured in Galamso, where he was held for three months in late 1994. His father was killed in Hurso detention camp in 1993.

He was picked up by Djibouti security forces on 6 October 2002, together with ‘about 60’ other refugees. They were taken in two or three lorries. UNHCR were informed about the abductions but ‘did not act’. Ali Ibrahim was detained in Nagad (sometimes referred to as Lagad) prison before being taken to the border at Dawale. Ethiopian government forces then sorted through the refugees and transported them in lorries to Dire Dawa. They were held at Sabatenya (7th) military camp.

Ali Ibrahim died from injuries received by beating and torture on 7 February. His family were not allowed to have his body. A man who was deported at the same time, but who escaped back to Djibouti, was a witness.

UNHCR interviewed elders in Djibouti and claimed that the elders knew nothing of the incident, but recordings of interviews obtained by OSG show that the elders were misrepresented.

OSG received three separate reports of refoulement in April 2003 and another report in May. Amnesty International have also received a report from another source.

About 40 Oromo refugees were rounded up between 10-14 April, held in Nagad prison and sent to Ethiopia on 17 April. Another 12 were detained at ‘Sorter’ detention facility around 16 April and sent to Ethiopia on 21 April. Most, if not all had UNHCR attestation.

Included in those who were subject to refoulement were:

Ahmed Hamza

Afandi Sheka / Afandi Sheik Taha

Hussein Mohammed Osman

Mohammed Usso

Yasin (Abubaker) Gamtessa

Najash Abdurahman Kureba

Jundi Baker Ahmed (father of four, in Djibouti 25 years)

Yusuf Hassan (in Djibouti 25 yrs)

Abba Dawe (aged 70, in Djibouti 25 yrs)

Yassin Abubaker Mumad

Abduljabar Usso

Usman Godana

Mohammed Umar

Adem Harreye

Musa Dima

One refugee reported that 18 Oromo refugees were killed when a truck carrying over 100 to the border on 22 May met with an accident. Many others were taken to the General Hospital in Djibouti.

In July 2002, eight Oromo were subject to refoulement (see Press Release 38). At least four of these returned to Djibouti, bearing ICRC documents confirming their detention in Ethiopia. Two have sent detailed information about their being tortured during detention. One described how refugees, who were not wanted by TPLF security forces, were abandoned on the border, without food or water.

A 28 year-old refugee wrote of his second episode of refoulement. He was deported from Djibouti in June 1997 and detained in Hurso military camp until August 1998. He was again deported, with a large number of others, in December 2001/January 2002. He was held in atrocious conditions in Sabatenya, then Terb Cheleka military camp (in southern Ethiopia) and finally Didessa camp, until his release in January 2003, bearing an ICRC certificate proving his detention.

Refugees who have returned to Djibouti after being taken from there and tortured in Ethiopia have reported being terrified by Djibouti police and security personnel hunting them down. Families have been forced to separate. Some are hiding in churches. They describe being ‘hunted’ and ‘unable to walk in the town’. Towards the end of May, as the Djibouti government announced a crackdown on refugees was beginning on the 27th, the situation was described as ‘very, very tense . . . very dangerous . . . we cannot move’.

They have little faith in UNHCR’s protection. One reported that his UNHCR record was available to Ethiopian government officials in Dire Dawa, when he appeared in court there, after refoulement. Several claim that UNHCR certification seems to highlight their insecurity rather than enhance it, reporting that Djibouti security men, co-ordinated by TPLF agents, deliberately target refugees who have made repeated approaches to UNHCR. They report the presence of TPLF security men outside the UNHCR building and other blocks to accessing protection officers.

Refoulement of refugees from Djibouti to Ethiopia has occurred repeatedly and has continued since UNHCR’s ‘Djibouti Plan of Action’ began to be implemented last year (see Press Release 38). UNHCR have repeatedly denied that refoulement has occurred, although killings and refoulement have been privately acknowledged by officials of the Djibouti government and UNHCR.

The continuing refoulement of refugees from Djibouti, especially the large scale refoulement of December 2000 and the 28 associated deaths by asphyxiation and shooting, should be publicly acknowledged by UNHCR and the Djibouti government. The Djibouti Plan of Action is failing to protect Oromo refugees.
 

KENYA

News from Kakuma camp

Oromo community members at Kakuma wrote in June of insecurity following the clashes between Nuer refugees and local Turkana people. They wrote:

‘We have lost over 30 human lives as the result of the fighting that broke out between these two groups just a month ago. Our fellow Oromo named Muhammad Ibrahim was robbed forty-five thousand Kenyan shillings. Similarly, the provision of water, food, and minor medical services from the UNHCR has been completely stopped. . . .

Currently, we can not communicate with our fellow refugees, i.e. Oromos, in the six different camps due to conditions attributed to the fighting. Out of the six refugee camps, it is the 1st and the 6th camps that have relative peace. The other four have been swallowed up by the warring conflict and the refugees are forced to leave their camps and seek shelter in schools.’

Mohammed Kasim Woliyi, a recognised refugee in Kenya since 1996, wrote in March complaining of threats from Ethiopian government-backed agents in Kakuma and three attempts on his life since 1997.

IRIN reported on 21 July that the erosion of the banks of two rivers around Kakuma will cause them to merge in the next rainy season leading to the collapse of the camp, endangering the lives of 17,000 refugees. Attempts to relocate the camp are under way.

Insecurity in Nairobi

Ambo Roba Elemo (see Central Oromia, Detention, torture etc., above) wrote on 23 June that since arriving in Kenya in October 2000, he had been twice attacked by unknown assailants and saved by the police.

Oromo community secretary Ismael Beker Kawo, former director of Assella High School and former Deputy Head of Arsi Regional Education Office, was detained by the present and previous regimes in Ethiopia and tortured. Because of his high profile in the Oromo refugee community organisation, he received death threats by telephone in March 2003 and fears for his security.

F.D.G. wrote from Nairobi on 25 January. He arrived in Kenya, after two episodes of detention and removal from his government job, in March 2001, and was given refugee status five months later. However, on 14 November last year, around 2.00 am, an armed gang of eight men broke into his residence and stole, amongst other items, his UNHCR attestation paper. Although he obtained written confirmation of the robbery from the police, he has been unable to get a replacement paper from UNHCR and fears mistreatment at the hands of the Kenyan police because of this.

Kadir Mohamed Wado was detained at Agarfa camp in 1992 and severely tortured. He fled to Kenya shortly afterwards. In Kakuma, in March 1997, his hut was burned down by unknown agents. In May 1997, he was attacked and beaten unconscious by three men at his home. In April 1999, while he was away from home, two men attacked a relative of his at his home and knocked two of his teeth out. He moved to Nairobi but was again subject to attacks. In January 2000, his home was raided and searched by Ethiopian government agents. He was mugged in Eastleigh in October 2001, robbed of 10,000 Kenyan shillings and his mobile phone, beaten severely and threatened to be killed by his assailants next time they met. Finally, in November 2002, he was arrested and held for five days on fictitious charges of armed robbery.

Mohammed Ambo Muda wrote on 3 June that despite recommendations from the Oromo Community organisation and the Refugee Consortium of Kenya confirming his history of persecution at the hands of the Ethiopian government, he has been rejected refugee status by UNHCR on three occasions since his arrival in 2001, the latest rejection being on 19 April. He was Oromo student representative and co-ordinator of the Oromo student movement in Bahar Dar before he fled to Kenya, and is therefore at risk if returned to Ethiopia.

Abass Abagaro Woyesa reported being detained and tortured in Ethiopia (see Eastern Oromia Region, Detention and torture, above). Despite his history, he was refused refugee status by UNHCR. He complained that the translator at his interview kept most of his story from the UNHCR protection officer.
 
 

SUDAN

Torture and harassment

According to local sources in January 2003, an Oromo, Marqos Gobana, was detained by Sudanese security men for 18 days, on request of Ethiopian security forces. He was severely beaten and threatened with death during interrogation.

The same sources reported the repeated harassment and the torture of Jibril (Usman) Tessama Duresso, an Oromo living in Karkoji, Blue Nile province. He was interrogated by Sudanese security men on 29 November 2002 and made to stand bare foot on a hot cement floor for three hours. On 3 and 11 December, he was severely beaten at his home. On 7 January 2003, when he was alone at home, security men came at 10.30 pm and severely beat him with whips and sticks, at gunpoint. His body was burned with cigarettes. His mouth was ‘muffled’ and his legs and arms tied together, when he was left ‘to die’ at 3.00 am. Fortunately, he was found unconscious and taken to hospital by a friend four hours later.

Returned by force

According to the private weekly Mebrek (24 April), the Ethiopian Political Prisoners Committee has alleged that refugees in Sudan have been forced to return to Ethiopia, violating the UN Convention on Refugees. The committee also revealed that 110 minors had been sold in the Middle East and in European countries. Most of them, the committee said, came from Dire Dawa, E. Hararge, and had no parents to look after them.
 

SOUTH AFRICA

Suicide at a transit lounge

A young Ethiopian man named Iyob committed suicide after the South African government refused him asylum, Nation (24 May) reported. The South African paper, The Star, reported the suicide, and said that Iyob had started to live with his cousin, Alem Abay, a long term resident in South Africa. He had gone to South Africa recently. The South African authorities had discovered that Iyob’s documents had been forged and decided to expel him from the county. He was found dead in an airport transit lounge.

 

Abbreviations

 

AAPO - All Amhara Peoples Organisation

EPRDF - Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (government umbrella party)

ICRC - International Committee of the Red Cross

IRIN - Integrated Regional Information Network (UN news agency)

OLF - Oromo Liberation Front

OPDO - Oromo Peoples Democratic Organisation (government Oromo Party)

OSG - Oromia Support Group

TPLF - Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (dominant government Party)

UNHCR - UN High Commissioner for Refugees

 
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