In the August,1995 press release it was reported that "27 persons were executed by EPRDF soldiers in Babo Gambel village, Jarso district, W.Wollega. The bodies were found at three different sites after villagers heard gunfire on 28.4.95. Most of the bodies were not known to the villagers. Three were named as Henok Yonatan Yishak, Mesfin Gedefa and Tsegaye Negerra. The first two at least are known to have been taken from Nejo military camp on 6.4.95. The parents of Henok were refused permission to bury him. Farmers reported the bodies to the local administrator in Jarso town and were told not to bury them with proper ceremony. The local administration made no investigation into the killings."
The Oromia Support Group aims to publicise human rights violations committed against the people of Ethiopia by forces employed by the Ethiopian Government. Its objectives are to promote democracy, freedom from human rights abuses and self-determination for all the peoples of Ethiopia, and disseminate information about Oromo history and culture.
Since its inception, and prior to this press release, the Oromia Support Group has reported 873 extra-judicial killings and 356 disappearances of civilians suspected of supporting groups opposing the government. Most of these have been Oromo people. Tens of thousands of civilians have been imprisoned. Torture and rape of prisoners is commonplace, especially in secret detention centres, whose existence is denied by the government. The EPRDF government's security forces are making it increasingly difficult for information on human rights violations to be gathered within the country and for this information to be sent abroad.
a. Clandestine Human Rights Organisation A, Addis Ababa, Bulletin 22, Dec. 1995
b. Recorded interviews with Sue Pollock who visited Central, West, East and Southern Ethiopia, Dec.1995 - Jan.1996.
c. Correspondent in Oromia, Dec.1995.
d. Correspondent in Oromia, Jan.1996.
e. Oromo correspondent in Kennewick, Washington, USA, 8.1.96.
f. Correspondent in Oromia, 26.1.96.
g. Correspondent in Dire Dawa, E.Hararge, Oromia, 31.1.96.
h. Ethiopian Human Rights Council, Special Urgent Report, 12.1.96.
I. Correspondent in Wollega, Oromia, 11.10.95
j. Urji newspaper, Addis Ababa, 16.1.96
k. Urji newspaper, Addis Ababa, 23.1.96
l. Amnesty International, London. "Ethiopia: Update on journalists", 15.12.95
m. Urji newspaper, Addis Ababa, 6.2.96
n. Seyfe Nebelbal newspaper, Addis Ababa, 2.2.96
KILLINGS
Previously unreported killings in Ambo, W.Showa are:
Bacha, the 30 yr old OLF cadre
(when the OLF were a legal party in the Transitional Government),
was arrested on 20.6.92. He was taken from prison that night and
shot.
Shambile, 25 yrs, and his father were both murdered in their home
in June 1992.
An unnamed pregnant woman in Wadesa Tulle, 20km from Ambo, was
murdered by TPLF soldiers in June
1992. One year later, the TPLF shot her 20 yr old son and looted
the home.
Tesfaye, from Ambo, was shot in 1993 and his body thrown into the
street.
Also in 1993, Capt.Getto Busa was shot after being detained for 5
days, his body being found the next day.
In 1994, Babich (Kebele 1), Komalaa Garrdo, Atawa Motilo, Ato
Agomason and Imana (the latter on the pretext of killing OPDO member, Faraja) were all killed
by TPLF soldiers.
Boja H. Giorgis was shot dead by TPLF troops in December 1995.
(b).
Tesfaye Naga and Kemala Mirkana, of Ambo, W.Showa, both died of
injuries received by torture in Ambo prison. The date was not
reported. (b).
Two unnamed farmers were killed in Ambo prison, W.Showa, between
March and June 1995. A fellow prisoner witnessed this and
informed Sue Pollock. (b).
At Serow district, Arsi, in September 1995, an EPRDF military
unit in two or three heavily armed trucks went to two villages,
killed 70 people and indiscriminately burnt houses. This is
believed to have been in response to "officials" in the
area reporting to the regional and central government that there
was an OLF presence in the area. (b).
Tesfaye Hundessa, an employee of the Dept. of Natural Resources
and Protection, Min. of Agriculture, of Kebele 02, Higher 01,
Ambo, W.Showa, was shot dead by a government security officer
named Fayera/Fana on 16.11.95 (a).
DISAPPEARANCES
Previously unreported disappearances from Ambo, W.Showa are:
Capt. Girma, 1993
Workneh Hiuisa, 1993
Dhugasa Iticha, Nov.1993
Garamow Basho, June 1995 (b)
Takele Alemu, a singer and member of the Gada Oromo Theatre Club
in Addis Ababa, was taken from his village by security personnel
(reported Dec.1995) and his whereabouts are unknown (a).
Assefa Tarfa was taken from Holeta, W.Showa, by EPRDF soldiers
six months before his disappearance was reported in Dec.1995 (a).
Fromsa Aga, an economist employed by the Ministry of Planning and
Economics, and
Fayera Abdisa, an agriculturalist employed by the Ministry of
Agriculture, were taken from their homes in Addis Ababa by armed
government forces on the evening of 14th and the morning of the
15th Jan.1996, respectively. Two friends of Fromsa Aga were
abducted at the same time. Reasons for these abductions and the
places where they are being held are unknown. (k).
IMPRISONMENT, INTIMIDATION AND TORTURE
A man from Ambo, W.Showa, in a recorded interview with Sue Pollock, gave detailed accounts of his being arrested on four occasions since 1992. He believed that the presence of angry local residents prevented his being killed when first arrested after TPLF gunmen forcibly entered his home in early 1992. An attempt to drown him in the river, when he was being taken to the police station, was similarly foiled. During two months detention he was tortured by having his upper arms tied tightly behind his back with plastic rope and was beaten with gun butts and staves. The session lasted two hours and was performed by 6 TPLF soldiers. He was neither charged nor appeared in court. Later that year he was detained for two days but not tortured. In March 1995 he was again held for 3 months and tortured twice for 1-2hrs. When re-arrested a few months later he was released on payment of 5,000 Birr after 6 days. He remains under 24hr surveillance despite denying any connection with the OLF. He lost his state employment 18 months ago and his family is destitute. (b)
All the houses and Kebeles in Ambo are numbered so that all the 40-50,000 inhabitants can be traced. Weekly meetings are held when "troublemakers" are identified. "Any suspect is shot, tortured or disappeared. Houses are looted. It is not possible to identify how many Oromo women have been raped because it is shameful in this culture and therefore the women do not talk." "Warrants" for house searches consist of duplicated forms with spaces for names and addresses. People going to the market are searched four times. Carrying traditional staves is forbidden ; they are classed as weapons. There is restriction of movement within and without of the six Kebeles. "Everybody is suspected of being OLF supporters." (b).
The husband, second son and brother-in-law of the unnamed pregnant woman shot in Ambo, W.Showa, in 1992 (see above) were taken to Ambo prison when the first son was shot dead in 1993. They are still being held without charge. (b).
Wakgari Danu Ayansa, a businessman of Adama (Nazareth), had been held without warrant for 60 days, when reported in Dec.1995 (a).
Yusuf Abdi, of Kombolcha town, N.Showa, went into hiding after being harassed and intimidated "several times" by EPRDF soldiers. He lost 22,000 Birr when his truck (containing "gas oil") was shot at and set on fire. He was arrested and ordered to pay 50,000 Birr. He paid 10,000 and was released on bail to find the balance. Being unable to do this, he fled the area.
Mohamed Yusuf, his eldest son, was then arrested "in the
middle of the night" and his wife, Zebida Ebro "went
mad" and is now in Dire Dawa hospital.
His second son, Eskinder Yusuf, has been "on the run"
since being returned from being a refugee in Djibouti by UNHCR.
The belongings of the family, "their clinic, mill and all
property", was confiscated. (a).
Dr Abara Dheresa, of Kebele 02, Woreda (Higher) 01, Adama,
E.Showa, was held for two days without warrant at Adama police
station after being taken by EPRDF soldiers in November,1995 (a).
Yoseph Dherssa, drug store owner from Adama, E.Showa, was
illegally held for three days and his store was robbed (reported
Dec.1995). He had previously been imprisoned in 1992. (a).
Khuma Didha, an employee of the UN Economic Commission for Africa
in Addis Ababa was told by plain clothed security men that he was
an OLF supporter and "he should take care". His ID card
was confiscated. Reported Dec.1995 (a).
300 prisoners, mostly Moslem Oromo, are reported to have been
held for six months in a secret detention centre at Wallad, Qallu
district, Wollo (see Secret Detention Centres, below). They are
believed to be from isolated Oromo groups in Hatawe (Ataye),
Kemissie, Kombolcha and Bati in Wollo, and Qobbo and Raya
districts in Tigray. Two are named as Bediru Kemal and Mulatu
Wayu from Raya. (a).
Prisoners from the OPDO in the Gibe Regiment of the EPRDF army
have been reported to be detained at Tolay camp, near the W.Showa
border, for refusing to fight. Among these are two, named Getu
and Sebsibe. (a).
Travellers to and from Wollo province, since mid-November, have
been subject to extensive body and baggage searches at Kemissie
town. Those unable to produce ID cards have been unable to
continue their journey. "The majority of the population are
farmers and they don't even have identity cards." (a).
Visitors to Zeway prison in Arsi, which holds over 600, including
the 280 alleged OLF members awaiting trial since 1992, are warned
not to ask about the whereabouts of friends or relatives. Those
who are persistent have been imprisoned themselves. (b).
POWER AND WATER SHORTAGES IN ADDIS ABABA
One of Sue Pollock's informants claimed that the reduction in electicity, so that one kebele per day is without power, and the restiction of time in which water is available in sections of the city, is due to the provision of increased power and water supplies to Tigray. (b)
KILLINGS
Fouad (first name only) was murdered in May 1993 at Hurso detention/military camp, while he was being detained along with one of Sue Pollock's informants. He had complained about the beating of a woman bringing "chat" (a mild stimulant leaf) to the camp. (b).
According to the same source, the following detainees at Hurso camp, were killed by EPRDF soldiers in January 1994 :-
Ibrahim Jabrile, aged 30, "sick"
Mohamed Harun, 32, following a stomach operation
Getahun, following stomach operation
Sheik Ali, 60 yrs
Dechasa, 20 yrs
Mirkub Gebeli, 40, unable to walk following beatings
Baysissa Senna ("Takli"), 36, "broken hands"
following torture
All were held in a "closed narrow room" continuously for one month and had been tortured by having their upper arms tied tightly behind their backs prior to being killed. These seven men were buried at or near to the camp. When ICRC enquired of their whereabouts later in the year, they were told the men had escaped. (b)
Ahmed Sadiq
Abdulfata Mohamed, from Erer village, and
Hassan, were taken one evening from prison in Qobbo, E.Hararge,
and their bodies were found, partially eaten by hyenas, at the
end of September,1995 (a).
Abdusamad Idris of house 937, Kebele 18, Higher 3, Dire Dawa,
E.Hararge, was found dead on 21.10.95, after being taken to Dire
Dawa police station (a).
The husband of Mrs Hajara Ibrahim (who was gang raped - see
below), was killed by Tigrean men at his home in Oboro, Harar,
E.Hararge (reported to OSG, 8.1.96). (e).
Ahmed Feto Bidu, a 70 yr old elder and head of a large family,
from Agarfa district, Bale, was killed at his home by EPRDF
soldiers, on 21.1.96, shortly after clashes between OLF and
government forces in the area. It was claimed that he was an OLF
supporter. (n).
DISAPPEARANCES
Abdulaziz Bombi and
Ana Hunde, were taken from Qobbo prison, E.Hararge, at the end of
September,1995, and have not been seen since. Three fellow
prisoners were found dead (see Killings, above). (a).
Asnake Degene, a civil servant at the Dire Dawa (E.Hararge)
Ethiopian Civil Aviation office, was taken by plain clothes TPLF
agents in November, 1995 and imprisoned in an unknown place (d).
Ex-Sergeant Taye Gutata, also from Dire Dawa, met a similar fate
in January, 1996 (d).
Imprisonment, Intimidation and Torture
A young Oromo man, who did not wish to be named, stated in a taped interview with Sue Pollock (b) that he was tortured and imprisoned for 18 months from 1992-1994. As a result of his injuries he is now bedridden. He had no political leanings and, in particular, had no connection with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). He was taken in Medagalula, Hararge and tortured at the TPLF camp there for one month before being briefly held at a hotel in a W,Hararge town, where again he was tortured. His torture continued when he was moved back to Medagalula, thence to an underground detention centre in Harar and finally to the detention centre at the military camp in Hurso, near Dire Dawa, E.Hararge. While being tortured he was repeatedly questioned about membership of the OLF, of which he knew nothing.
The methods of torture included:
The rock carrying continued most days for 2-5hrs, over 3 months and followed 1-2 months of beating and kicking. He lost the use of his limbs and spent the last 8 months at Hurso camp in bed. ICRC asked for him to be taken to a civilian hospital but this was refused.
He said "I was not taken to court...I was not charged...They released me because they did not get any information from me. There is no crime that I have committed. There is nothing. There is no evidence or witness against me".
He was examined by Sue Pollock. He is unable to walk, stand or sit. He has constant pain in his neck, back and legs. Due to nerve damage, he has absent sensation, weakness and wasting of his hand muscles and weakness of the proximal muscles of upper and lower limbs, left more so than right. The muscles of his left thigh and the intrinsic muscles of his left foot are wasted. Neck movements are reduced and weak. He is unable to wash himself.
Mrs Hajara Ibrahim of Oboro, Harar, E.Hararge, was gang raped by seven Tigreans, after they killed her husband (reported to OSG, 8.1.96). (e).
Around Ginner and Golocha in the subdistrict of Wabbi, Bale, around September 1995, there were widespread arrests of peasants and burning of houses by EPRDF soldiers (b).
Abala Mohamed, a hotel owner of Qobbo, E.Hararge, was arrested with 11 others (reported Dec.1995) without warrant and his hotel searched, again without warrant. Clothes were taken and he was beaten on his back "for 3 weeks, every Friday". (a).
Musa Uto, an employee of the Oromo Relief Association (see below) was arrested by EPRDF forces in Dire Dawa, E.Hararge at the beginning of December,1995. His brother was killed by government soldiers previously. (a).
The son of Abdurhaman Muumme, of Chalanqo, E.Hararge, was taken at the beginning of January 1996 and is being held incommunicado at Chalanqo military camp. Since the death of his father in September 1992 from injuries received when torured, the young man has been detained "so frequently that he became suicidal". (F).
Haji Halo Elemo, a respected elder from Gorro woreda, Bale, was imprisoned along with other suspected OLF supporters, the day following local clashes between government and OLF forces in mid-January, 1996 (n).
At the time of going to press OSG was reliably informed that the director of the Oromo Relief Association office in Dire Dawa, E.Hararge, Ahmed Mohamed, father of six, had just been imprisoned. He had been reporting daily to the security service in Harar since the closure of ORA projects in the east, in November 1995. (20.2.96).
WESTERN OROMIA/ETHIOPIA
Disappearance
Fekadu Dinsa, a teacher from Finca'aa, Horo Guduru, Wollega, was abducted by EPRDF soldiers from a bar in Finca'aa, at 7.00pm, 1.1.96. A large crowd surrounded the soldiers and Fekadu refused to go further, saying he preferred to be shot there and then. The soldiers handed him over to the police station for 3 hours, returning for him when the crowd had dispersed. Later, the police denied having seen him. Despite his wife's efforts, his whereabouts are unknown. (j).
Imprisonment, Harassment and Torture
Zerehun Tesgera Abdessa, while driving from Gimbi to Nole Kaba, Wollega, was stopped on the road to Haru town, arrested by the local administrator and handed over to the EPRDF army on 22.3.94. He was taken that evening to the bush where he was whipped while being interrogated about Oromo Liberation Front positions, which were unknown to him. (a). This incident has not been reported previously.
"Many people are being brought to Dembi Dollo (Wollega) prison from woredas of Anfilo, Tejo-Walal, Hawa-Gelan, Sayo, Dale-Waberra, Gauro-Kebe, Jimma-Haro etc" (i).
Five employees of the Mekane Yesus Church in Boji town, Wollega, most of whom have been arrested without charge several times, have had valuables and documents seized from their homes during unlawful searches by EPRDF forces (reported Dec.1995). They include:
Rev. Fekadu Wayessa,
Rev. Olana Wayessa and
Habte Mersha. (a).
Homes searched "without legal justification or charge" on 7.10.95 included those of :-
Mrs Elfinesh Gabissa
Raga Tasissa Guya
Geletta Nonisie
Hordofa Degago (whose son was killed by EPRDF soldiers
previously) and
Lemu Jibril. (i)
The following have been detained without charge or warrant by government forces in recent months, from the Horro district of E.Wollega. (m).
From Gidda Ayanna town, Gidda Kiramu sub-district
Temesgen Beyene, teacher and director of the secondary school
Turk Abera
Belay Ganqure
Ibrahim Abdella
Oljira Regassa, teacher
Kebede Duguma
Oljira Waktole
Mekonnen Gemeda
Jabessa Fufa
Desalegn Feyisa
Tobiya Gobana
Tena Getahun
Tisgaye Wakjira
Shume Kenea, corporal
Mekonnen Ayansa, post office employee
Kemalu, 12th grade student
Bekele Kenate, soldier and bank guard
Dereje Gamachu, Gidda Area Assistant Administrator
From Gelila town, Limmu sub-district:
Abera Woyessa, medical staff
Oljira Bajira, Ministry of Agriculture
Merga Duressa, medical staff
Demsu Wakuraya, teacher
Asefa Gelek, teacher
Ifa Duguma, teacher
Regassa Semma, teacher
Bekele Beyene, Teacher
Habte Sorii
Regassa Abaso
Mekonnen Gemeda, Limmu District Administrator
Nemera Ayano
Temesgen Abajarso
Teshome Temesgen, student
Abdulsemed Woldiye
Beyene, teacher
Mohamed Yusuf
Legesse Wirtu
From Gudaya sub-district:
Kumarra, police corporal
Melka, policeman
Gudina Farta
Olika Begna
Begna, father of above
Fekade Kinate
Tesfaye Beyeta
SOUTHERN OROMIA/ETHIOPIA
Imprisonment
Among the 300 new detainees in the hidden detention centres of Borana province (see below) are:
Buta Roba,
Waqo Gudeta,
Waqo Jaha,
Banato Galgalo and
Dinagee Wako of Arero district, Yabello
Aga Nashi Burgi, Kadawa village.
It is not known at which detention centre they are being held. (a).
SECRET DETENTION CENTRES
The Amnesty International publication "Ethiopia. Accountability past and present : Human rights in transition" April,1995 stated that torture, disappearance and killing of detainees was more likely in secret detention centres than in known prisons.
Hidden detention centres are reported at the following places :
Wallad, Wollo: at the site of a past labour camp, near the Borkana river, 35 km south of Kombolcha town, Qallu district, Wollo (a).
Ambo, W.Showa: Hormat Tatak engineering factory, 15km west of the town; Kebeles 1, 2 and 4 - military camps in Ambo (b).
Tolay, near border of W.Showa, and Didessa, Wollega: these camps have been re-opened and contain new military recruits as well as illegally held prisoners (a).
Dembi Dollo, Wollega: Kebele 05 military camp (c).
Nekemte, Wollega: Bakka Jamma, beyond the Teachers Training Institute compound (b); The town military camp (b)
Harar, Hararge: an underground detention centre (b).
Maslo, Bale province: at the site of a previous Dergue training camp (a).
In Borana province detainees have been held at army camps in the districts of Yabello, Mega, Moyalle and Negele (a).
The following secret detention and interrogation centres have been reported previously in OSG press releases (Aug.1995, p10, Oct.1995, p5, Dec.1995, pp4,7,):-
Addis Ababa ; Casa Inchis interrogation centre is an unmarked compound with a maroon painted fence on a road joining Jomo Kenyatta Avenue and Tito Street behind the UN Economic Commission for Africa.
Dire Dawa, E.Hararge ; the textile mills compound; Sabaatenyaa Camp; the ex-regimental military camp, north of the town
Nekemte, Wollega ; the old Relief and Rehabilitation Commission office at Dajachi Fikere (Daja Fikremariam) compound. (This is underground) ; the old Wollega All Ethiopian Peasants Association office in the east part of the town; Darge compound, on the way to the Catholic Mission
Worrengo area, Illubabor ; Gumay, near the EPRDF military camp
Kuiha town, Tigray: details unknown
As well as secret centres a system known as the "mobile prison" exists, whereby prisoners in known prisons or camps are moved from place to place, from Bale to Wollega, from Wollega to Arsi etc, so that they are untraceable. (b).
"If a person is tortured to the extent that they become disabled or lame, they are not taken to court so their disability is not seen. They are simply released and told not to say anything." (b).
The following types of torture were reported by persons interviewed by Sue Pollock and by correspondents in Oromia and America (b,c,e) :-
CONCENTRATION CAMPS
An informant gave Sue Pollock a detailed account of the conditions in camps in Bilate (Sidamo province) and Didessa (Wollega), where he spent most of his 15 month detention in 1992 and 1993. OSG has previously reported conditions in these camps (see "The Journey", Sagalee Haaraa 4, January 1995). As well as recording the insanitary conditions, the lack of food and water, the encouragement of disease by crowding healthy prisoners together with those with TB, dysentery, pneumonia and malaria, the deception of visiting ICRC and USAID officials, the shooting and torture of detainees, the banning of treatment by Oromo doctors who were prisoners, and other atrocities previously reported, he told of research carried out by himself and other ex-prisoners. They came to the conclusion that instead of the government estimate of 22,000 imprisoned at the time, there were in excess of 45,000 distributed in the camps of Bilate, Didessa, Hurso (E.Hararge) and Agarfa (Bale). Of these, almost 3,000 died because of the conditions in the camps. "The world media has not paid any attention...the world community has not placed any emphasis on the human rights violations in Oromia...they talk of peace, stability and prosperity in this country, but the reality on the ground is not that : it is killing, torture, looting and other human rights violations...As an Oromo, I feel very frustrated...it looks as though we are forgotten." (b).
OROMO RELIEF ASSOCIATION
Dr Addisu Beyene, Executive Director of ORA, addressed a meeting of representatives from all European ORA offices and support committees, in Falkenburg, Germany, on December 16th, 1995. The following is taken from his speech and from a report written by Rev. Rudiger Jentsch, the Chairman of the Oromo Support Committee, based in Delmanhorst, Germany, who visited ORA projects and spoke to government officials, on a visit to Oromia/Ethiopia between 16.9.95 and 13.10.95.
Dr Beyene drew attention to the harassment to which ORA had been subjected since the overthrow of Mengistu in 1991 and explained how and why this had culminated in the closure of ORA's projects in Ethiopia.
The harassment began while the OLF was still part of the Transitional Government. In March 1992 a bomb was thrown into the head office in Addis Ababa. When the OLF were forced out of government, ORA had all of its vehicles and assets seized and began again, almost from scratch. It re-organised after removing all ties with the OLF and slowly earned the confidence of donor Non-Governmental Organisations. At the time of its closure ORA was providing vital support for 200,000 people and important help to another 300,000.
In Chanka, Wollega, the projects covered three districts and included vaccination of cattle against trypanosomiasis, veterinary care, improvement of dairy stock, vegetable cultivation (introducing and testing new types), protection of 60 water sources in co-operation with the Ministries of Agriculture and Health, and the care of 15 orphans and their chicken farm. In Dire Dawa, E.Hararge, ORA had a central administration office and depot, and worked from the villages of Challenko, Baroda and Dawe in three surrounding districts. Here the projects included road construction and maintenance, terracing to stop erosion, tree and vegetable nurseries, water conservation and promotion of cattle farming, all part of integrated rural development. By the time of the German support committee's visit, the projects around Negele, Borana, had already been closed. In the west and east however, the committee team found good channels of communication with local Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC) officials, Ministry of Agriculture, the district authorities and the Food and Agriculture Organisation. They commented on the "harmonious and thoughtful way the work was done", the "close and affectionate contact with the people", the "freedom from corruption" and the effective and lasting nature of the developments.
ORA was expanding. Between 1993 and 1995, Christian Aid had increased its supply of food aid from just over 1,000 metric tons to nearly 9,000. A 3.5 million Birr project was agreed with Norwegian Church Aid, before it was cancelled by the Ethiopia RRC. The European Union had promised 7,190 metric tons of grain and oil. Backed by Bread for the World, Christian Aid and the European Union, ORA's projects were second only to CARE in the Oromo region. Its food for work program was in the top eight of such programs in the whole of Ethiopia.
ORA's projects in the south were closed completely and all its assets seized in August 1995. Three of its employees in Negele were imprisoned, and one remains in jail. Twenty seven thousand quintals of European Union grain now rots in warehouses in Negele and is infested by weevils. The Oromia RRC official shrugged this off saying the amount was exaggerated and it was unnecessary anyway. Employees in the Wollega project area, Chanka, were temporarily imprisoned when the project was closed in September. Special breeding program cattle were left to die. The important veterinary service was interrupted until angry farmers forced the local administration to re-open it. Fifteen orphans were left for two and a half days without food and little water (see below). Investigations by the team led by Rev. Jentsch concluded the orphans had been taken for military training. One staff member in Dire Dawa is in prison (see above). Apart from a skeleton staff in Addis Ababa, all ORA employees have been dismissed. Only those vehicles in the capital for repair, are still in ORA's hands. But as Dr Beyene said "the biggest loss is the future".
The reasons given by the government for closing ORA have changed. Solomon Gidada, Ambassador to Britain, summarised these when he called on Lord Avebury, Chairman of the UK Parliamentary Human Rights Group, to explain his government's position. The first reason was that ORA was of an insufficient size to tackle the problems in the Oromo region. The reaction of Oromia RRC to the rotting grain in Negele, and the absence of any suggestions from the government for replacements for ORA would indicate that this reason is spurious. In the western project area, the local Chanka administration disagreed with the zonal administration in Gimbi when it ordered ORA's closure there, because the local people were benefiting. Elders in all three project areas expressed support for ORA to local government officials but were "chased away", being accused of supporting the OLF.
The second reason was that ORA retained links with the OLF and was inciting opposition to the government. In support of this claim, the EPRDF proclaimed it had found weapons and subversive literature at the Chanka office in Wollega. From correspondence with the US National Security Council, OSG has learnt that they believe these "links with the OLF" are "credible". In Germany, Dr Beyene explained that the office in Chanka was not searched until it had been closed for three weeks, at once removing the credibility of this claim. (The reason for closure could hardly be foreseen before discovery.) The weapons were rifles, registered with the police, bought by the local population for the guards during the unrest in 1991, and an empty grenade carcass, dug up by a tractor driver and placed on a desk as a vase. The "subversive literature" was one copy each of Qunaamti, Madda Walaabu, Gundo Boree and Urji - two magazines, one booklet and one newspaper, all legally sold in Addis Ababa.
The absence of any link with the OLF is suggested by the complete lack of criminal charges brought against a single ORA member of staff or against the organisation itself. At no time has Dr Beyene been asked to appear before government security officers or the RRC to meet accusations of links with the OLF.
As Dr Beyene explained, the real reason for the closure of ORA was its success and its popularity among the Oromo people and the international donor community. It is the only indigenous Oromo organisation with contacts abroad. "No independent Oromo organisation has been tolerated in Ethiopia for 100 years. Our only crime is being an independent civil Oromo organisation. The government fears the strength of ORA and it fears donors seeing conditions in Oromia. The government does not like any organisation which is not fully controlled by it."
"Only EPRDF-affiliated political parties are tolerated by the government. Now this intolerance is spreading to civil organisations. Because ORA was gaining support, it was necessary to close it."
Regarding the closure of Chanka, one official's response to Rev. Jentsch was "We don't care what happens to these people as long as the Oromo Relief Association disappear".
According to the 14 page General Agreement between RRC and ORA, the contract of recognition of NGO status, which the Ethiopia RRC renewed in March 1995 for three years, any dispute should be "settled by negotiation, compromise or arbitration before resorting to adjudication by the regular courts of the land". The EPRDF government have refused to negotiate, compromise or abide by arbitration. ORA's only option is therefore to take the government to court.
The fortunes of REST, the Relief Society of Tigray, are somewhat different. It now negotiates billion dollar projects with donors such as USAID and the Canadian equivalent, CIDA. It runs the Trans-African Transport Corporation, with 500 trucks, as an "income generation scheme". Other NGO's have to rent trucks from the private sector. Any NGO (including World Food Program) truck with more than a 100 quintal capacity is taken by RRC without compensation. The RRC claim any truck once NGO's have completed their projects.
Three ladies representing Berliner Missionswerk visited Chanka three days after it was closed on 29.9.95. They taped an interview with a worker at the project and took photographs, including one of a cow which had died. The interviewee told how all the staff were collected and arrested. 41 people were kept in a six by seven metre room overnight and transferred to Qaakee. The 15 orphans were left without money or food for over 48 hrs. Only once were they allowed to collect water in old bottles. When a cow died near to the building, the police refused to move it but allowed the children to do so after one day. When the zonal administration heard that the visitors had been allowed to look around the buildings and take photographs, they imprisoned the policeman who had been present.
In the August 1995 press release the conduction of indoctrination courses in Wollega province was reported by three independent eye-witnesses. During the ten day course, which was carried out in many centres, those ordered to be present were told to repeat anti-OLF slogans, sign statements agreeing that "the OLF is the enemy of the people" and to write down their "self criticisms" of how they had contravened government propaganda. Prisoners, torture victims and the bodies of those killed by EPRDF soldiers have been shown to those attending these courses.
OSG has received reports of similar indoctrination courses in Qaake, Wollega and in Dadar and Harar in Hararge province, conducted in the latter half of 1995.
Harun Ahamed, an ex-Dergue official and now an OPDO member and director of Qelem Secondary School in Dembi Dollo, officiated during one course and is quoted "Of course we beat and we kill people until they are clean". Attendance at these courses is compulsory. As one official put it "If you don't come, we will put you in prison, and bring you from prison to this teaching". (b)
All judges and prosecutors have been forced to join the EPRDF surrogate Oromo organisation, the Oromo Peoples Democratic Organisation (OPDO) (a).
Thiry six prosecutors in Oromia have been dismissed by the local administration. The first three named were regional public prosecutors. They are : Qasim Galatie, Birhanu Legesse, Gizaw Moroda, Degefu Abdi, Beyene Dheressa, Abera Dimma, Defekadu Dhuguma, Dachasa Jirru, Mamudde, Tilahun Banyura, Tesfaye Yadatie, Dorii, Daqaha Wariyo, Gobe, Aman Seeyid, Tenanye Tullu, Bekelu Kebeda, Bedirya Mohammed, Beletu Wayessa, Bekela Guta, Abera Zeleke, Adare Kebede, Ababe Shulu, Abdissa Tefera, Tadesse, Gezehanye Kassa, Kebede Damee, Yemane Galana, Leta Bayissa, Abara Tilahun, Abera Ensagu, Alemayehu Keemissa, Gurmuu Geleta, Damto Haile, Tesfaye Terfassa and Ebissa Gudata. (a).
An informant of Sue Pollock stated "the judicial system is firmly controlled by the TPLF, who control the EPRDF, who control the councils for each region as well as the ... representative assembly, which is the law making body." (b).
Ato Shachachew Sheno, High Court Judge and Vice President of the Court, Shakcho Zone, Southern Peoples' Region issued a warrant on 4.6.95, in accordance with a police request, for the apprehension of Ato Adinew Ayno, in charge of the Economic Section of Shakcho Zone and representative for the zone in the House of Representatives. He was to be detained, along with 7 others for alleged homicide.
Judge Sheno was suspended on 1.8.95 by order of a letter which was written and signed by the accused man, Adinew Ayno. Ayno was thus acting beyond his legal authority and transgressing Article 79 of the Constitution, which guarantees the independence of the judiciary.
Judge Sheno has been seeking justice at all levels, from the Regional Administration in Awasa to the House of Representatives in the capital, without success. An attempt to stop him seeking redress was made by detaining and torturing his wife, Weizero Ametemariam Garefo, a teacher in Masha town. Authorities in Shakcho ordered her detention. She had her hands clamped in steel-rodded screwable handcuffs and as a result they are severely incapacitated. The Shakcho authorities have "zeroed in" on Judge Sheno, in Addis Ababa, and are attempting to abduct him and take him back to Shakcho, "where they can do anything". (h).
Amnest International issued an update on Ethiopian journalists who are or have been imprisoned, disappeared or awaiting trial. (l). The following are the names of those serving sentences and their publications.
Tamana Getachew, Madda Walabu
Terefe Mengesha, Roha
Yohannes Abebe, Beza
Andarge Mesfin, Tenager
Tekle Yishal, Tenager
Tewodros Kebede, Zog
Sissay Agewa, Etiop
Getahun Bekelle, Tarik
Tefera Asmare, Ethiopis, has been released after serving two
years.
The following three have "disappeared:
Nayk Kassaye, Beza (AI is checking the government claim that
he has fled to Kenya)
Berhanu Ijigu, Lubar
Deeg Yusuf Kariye, Sheeko Shaahid (ONLF)
There are 26, and possibly others, released on bail/bond, and threatened with trial:
Sintayehu Birro (Tikurt), Daniel Dirsha (Kitab), Akililu Tadesse (Andebet), Abinet Tamrat (Dagmawi), Dawit Taye (Aimiro), Alemseged Tefera (Genanaw), Bekele Mekonen (Urji), Mulugetta Lamessa (Urji), Taye Belachew (Tobia), Mulugetta Lule (Tobia - Vice Chairman of Ethiopian Free Press Journalists Association, his 11th court bond under the press law), Alema Lema (Beza), Iyob Demeke (Tarik), Eskinder Negga (Habasha), Lulit Gebre-Michael (Monitor), Garuma Bekele (Urji).
The report names the 10 journalists who appeared in court with Prof. Mesfin Wolde-Mariam, Chairman of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, because of reports on the 1993 student demonstration in Addis Ababa. They were all acquitted when the case was dropped due to lack of evidence, according to the Guardian Newspaper, UK, 14.12.95.
Detained, awaiting charge, trial or decision are:
Solomon Gebre-Amlak, Mogad
Anteneh Merid, Tobia
Girmayeneh Mammo, Tomar
Worku Alemayehu, Mebruk
Tesahelene Mengesha, Mebruk
Seifu Mekonnen, Mebruk
Dereje Birru, Tequami
Kifle Mulat, Ethio Times
Aster Agena, Etiop
Fitsum Asgedom, Monitor
Kassahun Tadesse, Genanaw
The Ethiopian government owns the printing machines and controls the sale of ink and paper to all newspapers. The price of printing non-government newspapers has increased 279% in the last three years. An eight page tabloid costs 2,900 Birr for 5,000 copies. In 1993 it cost 1,050 Birr. Compared to a free press newspaper costing 1.25 Birr, government newpapers, with eight times the number of pages, cost 35 cents to buy. 55 popular magazines and 57 weekly tabloids have been forced out of business since 1993 because of increased costs and frequent fines imposed because of the press law. (b).
The following letter was sent from Dire Dawa on 31.1.96.
Dear Sir,
I wish to present the mischief the EPRDF is making on the Agricultural University of Hara Maaya. Since its establishment during the Dergue regime, the university has provided the professional manpower for the country, especially on agriculural engineering, forestry and other natural science fields.
Last year, by the great effort of the university president, a tremendous fund has come from the government of Japan and others, especially for departments like forestry.
Observing this, our enslavers have designed a plan to move these departments to Tigray and to central Oromia (Wondo Genet Agricultural College). Once considered to become the unversity for agriculture for East Africa, Hara Maaya is to be no more a university but a college of education.
When a poor land in agriculture is constructing a new college, how come a historic university located in a land of significant agricultural works is closed?
So, I would like to inform you, the fund raising government, NGO's, the world community and Oromos living around the world to oppose the destroying of the old university of Hara Maaya to build a new one in Tigray on non-agricultural land.
Thank you. (Name witheld by OSG).
If confirmed, this report shows the extent to which the EPRDF government is transferring valuable resources, which now include centres of excellence, to Tigray, at the expense of the Oromo region. Ed.
TIGHT CONTROL IN OROMIA
Sue Pollock's informants in the west, east and centre of the Oromo region report the following restictions and other evidence of the extent of control and political pressure exerted by the government security apparatus (b).
One informant told her "I have lived through three regimes and this government is the worst. It is bad, dangerous and unpredictable. It is not good to be an Oromo at this time. I wish I were not an Oromo".
This letter was written to OSG on 20.12.95
"One current activity of our government is the military training in all provinces, like that of the previous government, the Derg. The training is given for 15 days at woreda level. The training mostly focuses on agitation and military knowhow.
The purpose of this training is so far not clear to the community but the government says that the trainees will go back to their village to keep peace in their community. In Jimma town on 20.12.95 more than 500 trainees were graduated. On the occasion there was gunfire many times in the eastern part of the town, and nobody asks the reason.
Another activity is so called evaluation (korana) in many offices. By this evaluation many government employees are out of their job and their salary."
Name withheld by OSG.
"This is the largest employment union in Ethiopia and has been in conflict with the government for three years. At first the government organised its own CETU, to use for its own purpose. But when organised at a national level, the labour trade unions went against the interest of the government, similar to the teachers and journalists.
Because the government blamed trades unions for anti-government sentiments the following occurred :-
Now the government is just watching, because it is fighting with so many other groups. A potential strike could follow, which would not be good." (b).
In the beginning the government advocated a free market economy, in order to get IMF and World Bank loans. Decrees on investment and economic liberalisation were made, transferring control from the state to the private sector. However, in reality, all enterprises remain in government or Tigrean control.
Many factories which should have been sold to private enterprises, have been sold to Tigreans. Most of the most profitable factories have been sold to TPLF/EPRDF members, after careful selection prior to sale.
Some sugar, textile and economic establishments have been sold to Eritreans. Many recently established corporations are indirectly controlled by the Tigrean Development Association (TDA), which was set up the Relief Society of Tigray (REST). These include Gunna, Meskerem Investment and the Trans-African Transport System. The TDA "controls the economy of Addis". The TDA runs the Dinsho Co. (coffee and chat exporters) and its subsidiary, the Biftu chat exporting company which is based in Dire Dawa, in the eastern province of Hararge. Hence money raised by exporting Oromo resources finds its way to the development of Tigray.
Almost all gold shops in the capital are owned by Tigreans. Almost all transport companies are backed by the TDA, which is raising money for the development and reconstruction of Tigray. "Last year they raised 21 million Birr in Addis alone".
Tigray now has an airport at Mekele, four new colleges, a medical faculty, hospitals, schools, clinics, roads and a telecommunications system with a direct satellite link in Mekele. The electrification of villages in Tigray is at the expense of Addis Ababa. The power line, paid for by the African Development Bank, runs from the power station in Finca'aa, Wollega, through Bahardar to Mekele.
Most of the gold mining areas in Wollega, Sidamo and Bale are being developed by Canadian, American and British companies. "If digging continues at this rate, the Oromo area, which is resource rich, is going to be reduced to destruction and famine will follow."
The budget allocation for Oromia is subject to mismanagement and constant delays.
The government does not pay tax on imported goods and they undercut private businesses. Many merchants have returned their licenses, because of reduced sales. (b).
The following is extracted verbatim from an interview that Sue Pollock had with an Oromo from Arsi. (b).
"What is happening in this area is no different to what is happening throughtout the whole of Oromia. People are arrested, they disappear and women are raped. Oromo property is taken by EPRDF soldiers. It is not just arrest, disappearance, killing and torture, but also looting of property. These things are especially carried out in the countryside areas...It is very bad in the countryside because there are many places for detention, not only military camps, but hidden places...
Not only the peasants, but many people have been fired from their jobs because their nationality is Oromo."
Regarding torture victims, "After getting no information, sometimes they take them at night and throw on the road...some are warned not to say anything about what has happened to them when they come out, otherwise they will return to prison. They will lose their life if they do like this...Some of them have lost their memories and...cannot talk directly about where they have been...few of them can tell you."
Regarding information on human rights violations, "due to information and communication barriers...and strict security measures...it is very difficult to get information...(The EPRDF) give money to...many cadres, police workers...youngsters...and some elders...to get information about what is going on in different parts of Oromia, especially the location of the OLF.
In every woreda they have a Tigrean just monitoring the situation. He takes information from the district... In every place there are one or two TPLF men. The information goes to the central government in Addis. They are passing it from every corner of Oromia.
If a new person is seen in an area he or she is immediately taken into custody and asked why and where he came from. He will produce his ID card. If he tells the truth, they will not believe him. They will beat him, imprison him for weeks or months. If they do not get any information, they will release him or take him to another detention centre or camp...usually people are not imprisoned in the area in which they were detained."
Concerning intimidation, "They go to the countryside, to the area that is suspected. They say to the peasants ' We have heard that you peasants are helping or giving material and food to the OLF...they are bandits and if you go with them, we will kill you, put you in prison or take some serious action against you'. So they intimidate the people in this way.
When the EPRDF go to areas and ask what is going on, the people say they don't know. Nothing has happened. We are living peacefully. Then the EPRDF immediately start to burn the houses. In many areas they have burned the peasant houses.
Two villages are now joined together as one. From each village 20 people are taken for security purposes and are then returned to watch for trouble. This villagisation...slightly different from the Dergue...has recently started. The two villages have one administrator or leader each and five people for administration...So you have 40 people as military and 5 people for administration of the kebele. This system allows for control of the people and acts as a means for gathering information...people's movements are controlled. Information ...relates to what the people think and what they do. People are watched secretly. Only the people involved know who works for security...On the one hand, they do the kebele administrative work, and on the other they do the secret work."
Regarding conflict,"In Bale, many times we hear from people...especially in Wabbi and Dallo districts ...fighting is going on between the EPRDF and the OLF...Clashes are in Arsi, around Golocha, Serow and Chowli subdistricts. Clashes are now in east and west...all over Oromia. There is a war going on in areas such as Borana, Arsi, Bale, Hararge, Showa and, in the west, the Horro Gudruu area. I hear from merchants of shooting, ambushes and clashes. This is a serious war."
Concerning problems for the peasants, "the peasants have land problems...many do not have land and for those who have, the taxation has increased 6 or 7 fold. Now they pay 300 Birr compared to 70 Birr before ... There is shortage of land for the peasants because of the increase in state farms, which have increased due to the land being fertile (in Arsi). The government has taken the fertile land and the land given to the peasants is often unproductive, so sometimes they do not produce enough food....The people are in trouble.
Through the peasants associations the government aim to control the people and recruit for the military.
My message to the international community is that the Oromo voice is not being heard. They are forgotten or unknown people. I think that the outside world is not aware of what is going on...The Amharas have gone, the Tigreans have come and Oromo human rights are being violated more so than in the past...Many times we have tried to report to the international community but the responses are very, very low.
It should not just be Amnesty International who are trying to work on this, it should be the western governments, the Americans. They should put pressure on this government because their aid and technical help is used to suppress the Oromos...and prevent their voices from being heard. It is not for development but for suppression, exploitation and oppression. The money is not for the benefit or the development of the country but for suppression, especially in the Oromo areas. Schools are not being built. Health centres are not being built. Roads are not being constructed. Only the war is there. The war has shifted from the north to the Oromo region. It is not an organisation which is fighting, it is the people...So the international community should apply pressure. Bring the government to the negotiating table and just finish the problem of this country peacefully, without bloodshed."
Western Oromia, Disappearances
Names were omitted from the following part of the December 1995 press release:
"The following young men from Dale Gecho Peasant Association, Dale Waberra sub-district, W.Wollega, were arrested by EPRDF soldiers on 3.3.95. They had recently been to a "renewal/rehabilitation programme" at Didessa. Their whereabouts are unknown and it is feared they may have been executed."
Their names were Yusuf Hassen Ali and Ahemad Aliko Shifaw. The information came from a resident of Wollega on 13.11.95.
The following is a copy of letter addressed to Berhane G.Kristos, Ethiopian Ambassador in Washington, D.C.
January 31, 1996
Your Excellency Ambassador Berhane,
It is with deep regret that I submit my resignation, effective February 1, 1996. It is hard for me to walk away from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a Ministry that I have faithfully served for over 20 years; it is harder still to come to terms with my decision to seek political asylum in the United States of America.
I have been with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs since 1968. As you are aware, my service was disrupted from 1979 to 1986, when I was a political prisoner in Addis Ababa Central Prison. Without counting the seven years that I was condemned to languish in Colonel Mengistu's prison, I have served the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for over 20 years in different capacities under three governments. It pains me to say from first hand experience that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Embassies that it overlooks have been at their worst under this administration.
During my years in the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington, D.C., I have painfully witnessed as the Embassy was reduced to being TPLF's branch office swarmed by narrow ethno-centrists. I have sadly watched as TPLF's Washington DC branch office representatives were allowed to attend Embassy staff meetings. In the last three years and a half, I have sorrowfully observed as the Embassy not only involved itself in the promotion favoritism towards Tigrenya speaking and marginalise non-Tigrenya-speaking, but also took side with Tigrenya speakers.
During my years in the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington, DC, I have sadly witnessed as Embassy rules and regulations were routinely violated to provide special services to TPLF members and supporters. For example, as a Diplomatic Attached in the Visa Department, I have been routinely ordered to issue multiple entry visas with two years duration to a selected few (often free of charge) in violation of our rules and regulations. Our rule, as you are aware, explicitly states that every Ethiopian in the Diaspora, with the exception of diplomats, who applies for a tourist visa is entitled to a single entry visa for a maximum of three months at a cost of US $70.00
At a more personal level, as an Oromo, I have been constantly reminded that I cannot be trusted. Among other non Tigrenya-speaking Ethiopian Embassy diplomats, I have been routinely excluded from Embassy staff meetings. Most disgracefully, among all the non Tigrenya-speaking Ethiopian Embassy diplomats and local staff members, I have been forced to take leave of absence during Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's US visit.
As you remember, I have raised my concerns and expressed my disappointment on three occasions and at great personal sacrifices, if I may add. On the first occasion, I expressed my disappointment with your decision to sanction a mandatory leave of absence on non Tigrenya-speaking Ethiopian diplomats during Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's US visit. By your decision, the non Tigrenya-speaking Ethiopian diplomats were excluded from all Embassy functions (except those open to public). Although I was dismayed by your explanation that we were excluded for security reasons, I chose to believe you when you promised that it will never happen again. But, it did and it was more painful the second time.
As you well know, I was demoted after my second confrontation with you in which I expressed my belief that the Embassy should not involve itself in promoting ethnic favoritism while it in principle functions representing all Ethiopians. As you know, it is against the very constitution that EPDRF drafted and adapted on behalf of the people. A month after our meeting, I was told that I was no longer in the Visa Department ..(part omitted due to the poor nature of copy of the original letter) I have been a diplomat without a portfolio. In the last eight months, I was made to feel that I was kept in the Embassy to serve as a token representative of the Oromo ethnic group. When I requested a formal meeting and expressed my disappointment and requested that I be given a position of responsibility, I was accused of harboring anti-EPDRF sentiment. Within two weeks, I was informed that my service is needed in the headquarters in Addis Ababa and instructed to pack. The last time I fell for such a trick and returned from my overseas post to the headquarters, I was accused of supporting anti-revolutionary elements and was thrown in jail and left there for seven years, charged with a bogus claim of treason.
I must admit that my decision to stay in the US and apply for political asylum is the most difficult decision that I have ever taken in my life. I pray to God help my country survive the systematic ethnic division to which it is subjected to by a political fiat engineered and guided by your party (The TPLF). It is my hope and belief that Ethiopians of all Ethnic groups will soon rise up and stand together to create a democratic nation where all children of Ethiopia will live together under the rule of law that recognizes every citizen as equal, and none above the law.
With best regards,
Sincerely,
Signed Segu Demissie
The writer is not an Oromo nationalist. His views on the favouritism shown to Tigreans, the token nature of Oromo involvement in the administration and the control exerted by the TPLF, cannot therefore be attributed to pro-Oromo bias.
END OF PRESS RELEASE